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Posts Tagged ‘Barry Goldwater’

Pure Goldwater

Sunday, August 15th, 2010

Long ago, the powers that be in the publishing industry created the rubric for book reviews, and it has carried on with little variation. The title and author are typically mentioned at least a few times throughout, there are the obligatory excerpts either long or short, and there is the opinion of the reviewer. Over the years I have written several following this standard, but now I find myself with a book that I haven’t been able to write a review of for quite some time, simply because that formula would fail miserably at truly pointing out the value of the text. A few sentences of glowing praise would not cut it for a book that is now dog-eared, worn more than many of my books, and littered with notes in the margins.

While I am offering precisely what the industry expects here, I will also be revisiting this text when it is fitting – given the headlines I see daily, that will be fairly often. This is not such an odd arrangement – MSNBC daily refers to tidbits of political trivia from one book.

Pure Goldwater by John W. Dean and Barry M. Goldwater, Jr. is a compilation of the private journals Senator Barry Goldwater left for his children, as well as selected correspondence with others throughout his career. It can be considered a natural history of the GOP during Goldwater’s tenure in public office as well as a selected biography. Goldwater’s political history has been a well-spring for GOP members for years, however they typically call his legislative and public speaking history. While all of that is the content of his life, this book is the context – the story of the man, not the politician.

One passage I continually turn to is from September 1949:

“Now I must put down, first of all, my philosophy that politics can be clean. I want to put that down now because maybe I will have to change my mind. I think, however, that politics can be governed by the same set of laws or rules that govern our actions towards each other. I believe that things can be done outright and not on the sly cloak and dagger treatment politics have always carried. I think that people who work under [city] politicians, the clerks, the police, the engineers and all the others, they will work for men and women that they admire and trust much better than for those they fear and distrust. Well that’s down, now we will see what will happen.”

Goldwater stated those words before his name was officially on any ballot, just previous to his first leap in the world of politics. It was previous to his run with childhood friend Harry Rosenzweig for Phoenix City Council. A year later, while working as campaign manager for Howard Pyle’s gubernatorial race, Goldwater again managed to mention something well worth noting:

“It is a rich reward to me as Howard Pyle’s campaign manager and as an Arizonian, an American, and a Republican – and I’m proud of being all three. In this spontaneous action of the Republican Party of Arizona we may well be witnessing the start of a movement that will sweep America: A movement that will return morality to politics. A movement that will return honor and stature to the service of one’s state and country. The government of this nation and of this state was formed on the concept that honor was a holy thing. Our founders pledged their lives, their fortunes but most important of all they pledged their sacred honor. Today, because of the almost total ignoring of those basic concepts, we find our nation treading on the threshold of socialism. Our government’s being run by peoploe who think one way and act another. Whose fault is this? It is yours and mine – the people of this state and nation. Plato once said, ‘The penalty that people pay for not being interested in politics is to be governed by people worse than themselves.’ Now hasn’t that come true?”

The irony that words spoken 60 years ago about this nation ring just as true today is testament to the problem that societies rarely learn from their own histories. Apathy remains the enemy, as does a lack of honor. Morality is bandied about as a buzz word, stripped of the meaning and weight Goldwater gave it all those years ago. Barry Goldwater, Jr. has given the public a great gift in allowing what was first set aside for his consumption to be published in the first place. It is true that his father’s memory is rarely called upon these days in the GOP – when mentioned, it is typically by the not-so-vocal moderates that probably remain a majority in the party, but have been generally silenced by the radical right-wing fringe. Yes, Goldwater has words about the hijacking of the party (or at least the splintering of it) by questionable elements within the ranks.

Pure Goldwater should be considered required reading for at the very least, any person that is or wants to be a registered Republican. It should be peddled on every page within the GOP official website, if for no other reason, because within its pages is the wisdom of a man that will perpetually be considered a leader of men within the party, and his experiences mirror the situations the party faces today. Otherwise, it provides the opportunity for Americans to learn from their history, and hopefully avoid past mistakes.

Pure Goldwater on Amazon.com

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Goldwater, Choice, and Neo-Conservatism – When “why” ceases to make a difference

Friday, January 22nd, 2010

I am a conservative. That is something I find myself repeating fairly often, primarily because the definition of “conservatism” has evolved rather severely during my lifetime. Before I was born, the seeds of what is now the neo-conservative movement were sown, and have created something that bears very little resemblance to the previous forms of conservatism. I’ve been berated often for pointing out that the fascination with promoting socially conservative ideals is in direct contradiction with most (if not all) of the other conservative ideals out there.

Goldwater conservatism, the sort of conservatism I subscribe to, is nearly dead and buried. It has been replaced by a rabid desire to promote a morally upright society – who is defining what is “morally upright” remains up for debate, and for my purposes here, is meaningless. The bottom line remains that controlling the private lives of all Americans is the goal.

Respect for personal freedom is one of the first casualties in the neo-conservative war against the old values. They may scream opposition to that statement, claiming their desire to protect the rights of the people to bear arms, speak freely, etc., but those claims fall short in the face of their desire to control the most intimate parts of people’s lives. Anti-choice, anti-marriage-equality, anti-family-planning, and anti-comprehensive-sexual-education sentiments all stand against the previously sacred respect for personal freedom. I am regularly labeled progressive because instead of joining in their choruses demanding control, I stand on the principle that it is not my place to dictate what other people do with their personal lives.

Fiscal conservatism is the next casualty, since by the nature of the beast, legislating the actions of the people costs money. Someone must enforce the laws, and no one will do that without being paid, for one thing. Big government and high costs for programs are particularly relevant when considering the goals of the anti-choice movement. Today, Representative Mike Pence is bemoaning the loss of 50 million innocent lives since Roe. Admittedly, it is a bit cold, but I can’t help wondering what his tune would be if our population was increased by that number, with a fairly large number of those people on the rolls for public assistance. But that is the cold, hard reality. Women don’t choose to have abortions because they have stable home lives, good jobs, and no financial problems. Another cold reality one must consider is an increase in demand for child abuse protection services. It is unrealistic to think that there wouldn’t be a radical increase in abuse cases if abortion was no longer a legal option.

Selective respect for the Bill of Rights is the final issue I repeatedly see with the neo-conservative movement, particularly where the separation of church and state is concerned. I already wrote on this before, and only wish to point out that legislating morality is decidedly part of the crumbling wall between religion and state. This wouldn’t be an issue at all if the framers had used the term “religion” in the first place.

In 2004, William F. Buckley, Jr. tried to determine the motivations of Goldwater when it came to abortion. Analysis at this point is little more than Monday morning quarterbacking, and doesn’t change the fact that Goldwater parted ways with his contemporaries when it came to this issue. His reasoning could have been based on respect for privacy, fiscal concerns, respect for the ruling of the highest court, or a combination of all of the above. All of those reasons fit within what was conservatism. Personally, I prefer to think that Goldwater was not only a conservative, but also a pragmatist. Consequences for actions seemed to be of great importance to him. Perhaps he even realized that an unwanted child probably wouldn’t have a nice life.

The ideology of neo-conservatism and social conservatism largely ignores consequences, particularly where anti-choice sentiment is concerned. It is all about saving lives, but never addresses precisely what we are meant to do about them once they are saved. It ignores the very real consequences of increased poverty, orphans, child abuse, state support, homelessness, etc. But that’s just fine. Stop the “evil”, and let the next generation figure out how to pay for it, right?

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Conservatism – what it was and what it is

Tuesday, December 15th, 2009

There is much debate these days about what conservatism really is (ironically enough with little or no references to what it was, but hey, we can’t have everything.) The most vocal amongst the masses tend to follow the line that there is such a thing as a true conservative, and those who just happen to have some conservative ideals. A true conservative apparently prescribes to all (or almost all) of the ideological beliefs of conservatism in all realms – fiscal, defense, immigration, and social. The first two have remained relatively the same for all of my life (with the notable exception of fiscal conservatism being thrown out the window during the previous administration), but the latter two have transformed to one extent or another over the years. The primary changes in ideology regarding immigration have been jumping from one side to the other on the isolationist fence – the pendulum swings, and at any given point there are some on both sides (consider isolationist conservatives doing battle with the Bush administration’s desire to create alien worker programs.) Social conservatism however, has arguably become the achilles heel of the GOP, and has grown to an extent that undoubtedly causes Barry Goldwater to roll in his grave at warp speed.

I’m not going to bore everyone by dragging out history texts – I have no desire to disturb the dust bunnies on my bookshelf, and bluntly, given the general lack of desire to even consider the history, exact names and dates probably won’t contribute to the situation. Besides, this isn’t about people or events – it is about political philosophy.

Social conservatism can claim its roots either in the 1950’s or the early 1970’s – pick your poison, because either or, it is academic. The current surge definitely traces its roots to the Reagan era – something that at least a few scientists involved in AIDS research will attest to, given the early mistakes that were made in the fight against that disease purely because of the classes of people who happened to be stricken first in U.S. (By the time AIDS – before it named as such – appeared in the U.S., there were already cases in France that crossed all the demographic lines being seen in the States.) Social conservatism in its worst form reared its ugly head in the fiscal policies of the Reagan administration because the general attitude was that reducing the gay or drug addicted populations wasn’t a “bad” thing – as if a disease would somehow “know” what sort of person it was infecting.

From that point on social conservatism became defined by agendas that broke completely with one old-fashioned conservative ideal – the right to privacy. Typically when legislators would suggest laws that force the masses to behave in a certain way “for their own protection” or “for the betterment of society”, they were referred to as “nanny laws” (that term no longer applies for social conservatives when it comes to their own suggestions.) Put simply, if it sounds like something your mother would tell you to do (or not to do), then it’s a nanny law, and by the old standards an invasion of privacy. Before the advent of trying to control the lives of the masses by legislating morality (something someone much wiser than myself said couldn’t be done), stating that one was a “social conservative” meant that one was against laws of entitlement (the Great Society, the New Deal, etc.). Now it means promoting laws of exclusion in the name of moral standards that are theoretically based in Christian teaching.

Hidden beneath all of the talk about sanctity of life, promoting abstinence, protecting marriage from gays, and all the rest of the hot button “social conservative” issues is a flagrant disregard for what conservatives used to hold dear – the right to privacy. Add the fact that it is buttressed by cherry-picking scriptures from the Bible, and it is an unconscionable situation. As a person who spent a fair amount of her life reading and studying the Bible, I find it particularly offensive primarily because that is not how it is meant to be taken. Literal interpretations are not appropriate, and given the high level of contradictions within the text itself, it is inappropriate to take any of it out of context as it is done now. There are even arguments amongst biblical scholars about the accuracy of various translations, and even the true meanings of many of the words – remember that it must be taken in the context of the time it was written, and bluntly, for many of the books, the Bible is one of the primary sources of written word for those eras (pretty hard to determine context and meaning with very little to compare it with).

Above anything else that I learned over the handful of times that I read the Bible cover to cover, I understood that Christianity was from the beginning meant to be a religion of inclusion. Love the sinner, not the sin. And finally, judgment is not the job of man.

Apparently social conservatives of today who are hell bent on legislating morality missed that part of the Bible – perhaps it’s a matter of them not seeing the forest for the trees since they have been so busy searching the text for passages to further their cause.

For the record, I am a social conservative, according to the definition offered by a previous generation. My moral health is my concern, and my neighbor’s moral health is his, period. I have no need or desire to control my neighbor’s actions beyond the standardly accepted social norms that forbid us all from causing physical harm to each other. Who my neighbor chooses to share his life with is of no importance to me – assuming that his choices do not impair my own, and that they do not include harming whomever he chooses as a partner. The value of my marriage would never be lessened by the marriage of another couple, regardless of gender. My covenant is between my husband and me and our God – not anyone else.

I want the right to choose to have my children learn about sex in school, and to preserve the rights of all parents to have that option. Sex is a difficult topic for many parents to discuss with their children, and bluntly, I would prefer to let the school tow the line on the facts of life from the biological end. It is my job to teach my children about the choices they have on the moral end, and I don’t want someone else doing it for me.

I recognize the fact that not everyone else agrees with me on the concept of abortion. My beliefs are no more important than anyone else’s in society, and because of that, I cannot abide by promoting legislation that would prohibit abortion. It is not my job to tell other people how to live (outside of my own children until they come of age.) I do not have the right to decide on behalf of others, and would not want anyone else to make those decisions for me.

And two things that have made many people accuse me of being a flaming liberal, I do not believe in the lost cause of trying to prevent drugs or prostitution. We have spent billions of dollars fighting a “war on drugs” to no avail, and trillions of dollars have been spent purchasing them with no taxation. The same goes for the “oldest profession” (there’s a reason why it is called that) – that could definitely do with a great deal of regulation to cut back on the spread of disease, and violence. Since we obviously can’t stop it, then we need to control it, and more importantly, tax it. Arguments have been made that it would lead to radically increased health care costs, and that probably would be the case at first. But it would also cause radical decreases in law enforcement, and there would be tax revenue. Now we pay for health care and law enforcement with no appreciable returns (outside of auctions of drug dealers’ property.) In case you’re wondering how in the world this could be a conservative ideal, remember fiscal conservatism promotes sensible governmental spending. There’s nothing “sensible” about spending money to stop something that can’t be stopped, or did we forget about the Prohibition era? Extremely high tax rates on the activities combined with regulation can’t be worse than what we have now. Let’s try fighting the battles we can win, shall we?

I do not believe it is the place of government to make intimate moral decisions for the people. Our founders sought to prevent that when they created the separation of Church and State. They recognized that people’s moral and religious lives must be kept sacred, and that the State has no business in those areas. What they didn’t foresee was the expansion of Christianity through various sects, or that those various sects would band together for common causes. They did not foresee that their prohibition had a loophole since it didn’t take into account many Churches with a common belief or cause working together. (I wonder what that amendment would look like if they had!)

That said, the social conservative movement in its current form is in my eyes nothing more than a group of individuals seeking to slip through that loophole, but still betraying the spirit of the amendment. It is not a moral high ground because it promotes hatred and intolerance – try to deny it, but railing against gays seeking legal recognition of their unions is nothing other than intolerance. I’ve said it many times that if people are so insecure in their beliefs that they find it necessary to seek legal protections for them, they don’t need new laws – they need to examine their own insecurities.

We have far too many problems that are of much greater importance than what social conservatives today are screaming about. Defending institutions, protecting the American way of life, or whatever else you want to call it is just grasping at straws. We can’t turn back time no matter how much we may like to – the sexual revolution happened, it changed the face of society, and continues to do so today. The best we can do is teach our own children about the values that we want to see survive the tide. If we don’t stop trying to force everyone else do the same, we may not have anything left to protect. Sorry, but getting our government out of debt, getting us out of the wars that we’re in sensibly, and rebuilding this country’s economy are far more important tasks. Solve those problems and then we’ll talk about trying to make everyone morally upright.

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